Foto del autor de este blog.

Mensaje del Dr. Pedro Rosselló (Convención del PNP)
domingo, 27 de agosto 2006
Por: Pedro Rossello

Que alegría me da ver a este Partido poderoso, listo para adelantar nuestra agenda ideológica, política y de gobierno.

Algunos me manifiestan ansiedad, preocupación por la hiperactividad de nuestro movimiento…lo que algunos identifican como dificultades yo las veo como grandes oportunidades.

La historia, - gran maestra -, nos enseña que los periodos de gran actividad, de controversias y conflictos, de ansiedades y preocupaciones, son importantes momentos de definición, de clarificación y de consolidación
Hoy este poderoso Partido, el más grande en nuestro terruño, está en proceso de reafirmar: ¿Qué somos?, y saldremos de este periodo depurados, más comprometidos con nuestros valores fundamentales, templados por el fuego, como acero indestructible.

Estamos aquí para reafirmarnos en lo que este Partido representa… y ¿qué representamos?

Primero, este Partido es el instrumento del Pueblo, no de intereses particulares, económicos o sectarios…del Pueblo.

Así se define este Partido en nuestra Declaración de Propósito. Así tenemos que definirnos en la acción. Como se define también, en esa declaración que nuestra meta fundamental es el fin de la colonia, estableciendo el pleno derecho de todos nuestros ciudadanos y las mayores opciones de progreso y bienestar con la estadidad federada.

Nuestra declaración establece máxima lealtad a estos postulados, trabajando por encima de visiones sectáreas o personales.

Este partido representa la justicia social, aquella que plantea y lucha por un trato justo al trabajador con un salario mínimo federal garantizado en igualdad de condiciones, y aumentos y beneficios para su familia, representa la justicia contributiva de menos impuestos, representa las mayores oportunidades de desarrollo para cada puertorriqueño y su familia.

Por eso en estos tiempos de oportunidad y definición, debemos ser claros que nuestro Partido representa una visión diferente a los otros… no somos lo mismo que los otros partidos colonialistas o elitistas.

Hoy algunos quisieran eliminar esas diferencias. Nos dicen que el gobierno compartido representa la opción sin diferencias. Nos dicen que todo es igual. Nos endilgan la propuesta, descrita por un tango popular, el tango Cambalache, que dice así:

“Hoy resulta que es lo mismo ser derecho que traidor

ignorante, sabio, chorro, generoso o estafador…

Todo es igual, nada es mejor, lo mismo un burro

Que un gran profesor.”

¡Pero yo les digo que no es lo mismo!

* No es lo mismo ser traidor, que ser leal y fiel a nuestra causa.
* No es lo mismo proveer un seguro de salud para todos, que quitarle la tarjeta de salud a 300 mil puertorriqueños.
* No es lo mismo darle aumentos de salarios al servidor público, que clausurar el gobierno y forzosamente tirar a la calle a más de 90 mil empleados públicos.
* No es lo mismo luchar por establecer la carga contributiva más baja para nuestras familias, que imponer mediante trucos y tretas las más altas y pesadas imposiciones en nuestra historia.
* ¡No es lo mismo ser colonialista , que ser estadista!
* ¡No es lo mismo ser popular que ser P.N.P.!

A lo mejor, en otros asuntos podremos diferir…esa es la naturaleza humana, y la esencia de la política.

A lo mejor, ustedes no siempre estarán de acuerdo conmigo… pero en todo momento sabrán donde yo estoy parado… siempre sabrán lo que estoy defendiendo…

Y siempre sabrán que le voy a cumplir la palabra empeñada.

Yo lucharé y defenderé siempre el ideario de este Partido.

Yo representaré:

* La salud como derecho para cada puertorriqueño
* Una educación para todos con el poder de seleccionar su escuela.
* Un modelo económico moderno, enmarcado en las libertades del individuo y el bienestar colectivo.
* Una infraestructura de calibre mundial.
* La menor carga contributiva.
* La lucha contra la corrupción, sin persecución ideológica
* La justicia social para nuestros más vulnerables hermanos: los niños, los envejecientes, nuestras mujeres, los enfermos y los impedidos.
* Yo siempre representaré el fin del colonialismo y el logro de ESTADO 51.

En fin siempre, siempre representaré el alma del PNP y ustedes siempre sabrán donde yo estoy parado y que represento.

Se que algunos quisieran disminuir y trivializar todo esto, como si se tratara de un juego de barajas, de poker. Jugarán con la carta debajo de la manga, estarán tratando de pasar gato por liebre, estarán hablando de justicia contributiva, mientras imponen las más injustas contribuciones; tratan de convencer que el 7% o el 8% es mejor que el 5.5%!!!!

El resultado de esas triquiñuelas…

El pagano de esta mala jugada será el Pueblo.

Por eso, es que este Partido tiene que dejar saber claramente al Pueblo, quienes somos, qué representamos y por qué luchamos. De eso, es que se trata este periodo de definición y afirmación.

Algunos sin embargo, dirán que esto tiene que ver SOLO con ganar elecciones.

Y cierto es, en parte… ese tiene que ser un objetivo inmediato de nuestra lucha…de nuestro Partido.

Sin embargo, ese NO ES EL UNICO NORTE… lo más fundamental es reiterar lo que representamos…a lo que aspiramos para nuestro Pueblo.

Si sólo fuera ganar, entonces, ¿dónde quedan los sacrificios, las acciones de aquellos que nos precedieron, los que lucharon con entrega cuando el triunfo electoral no era posible? Si sólo fuera ganar, ¿cómo le respondemos a los que dedicaron su vida a mantener vivo el ideal que hoy nos inspira y nos define? …si fuera sólo ganar, sería fácil hacerlo en alianza con los anti-estadistas para garantizar el triunfo electoral efímero.

Pero yo les digo que hay algo superior a sólo ganar. Es ganar FIELES AL IDEAL, y a los principios que nos definen como estadistas y progresistas. No es tarea fácil. Pero como dice el refrán: lo que mucho vale, mucho cuesta.

La historia es clara…cuando reafirmamos nuestra razón de ser…ganamos. Por el contrario, cuando se nos percibe como un partido colonial más…o en vez de definir nuestras diferencias fundamentales con los otros partidos, cuando nos comportamos como ellos, hemos perdido. Nuestros triunfos más grandes llegaron cuando nos definimos y nos reafirmamos en nuestro compromiso con el ideal y los principios de Pueblo…

Fue así como ….

* en 1992, cuando nos comprometimos con un plebiscito y las grandes reformas de justicia social para nuestro Pueblo…ganamos por más de 75 mil votos.

* en 1996 cuando reafirmamos nuestra lucha por traer la estadidad mediante decisión directa del Pueblo, y logramos el triunfo más grande en nuestra historia con sobre un millón de votos.

* en el 2004 cuando nos comprometimos con propulsar una definición de Pueblo entre opciones no territoriales y no coloniales… y salimos como el Partido con más votos, y con la mayoría en las tres papeletas.

* y ahora, en el 2008, cuando reafirmemos, sin ambages, nuestra férrea intención de lograr EL FIN DE LA COLONIA.

Nuestra más alta aspiración, no consiste en ambicionar una posición, o adelantar intereses personales o económicos o privativos… nuestra más alta aspiración es mantenernos constantes en algo mayor que uno mismo, leales a unos principios, a unos valores… a una causa.

Y requiere que seamos fieles no sólo a esa causa, sino a los que te acompañan en esa ruta, y a los que dependen de ti para sus altas aspiraciones…a nuestro Pueblo.

Nuestra causa es grande…Ustedes son mis compañeros en esa causa.

Y nunca abandonaré, ni la causa, ni a ustedes.

Ningún ataque, ninguna calumnia, ninguna herida, ninguna humillación, ninguna traición podrá cambiar eso.

Adelante hermanos progresistas, que lo mejor está por venir….!

Bajo el E.L.A: Puerto Rico lo hace peor! Así lo confirman estadísticas federales.

Bajo el E.L.A: Puerto Rico lo hace peor! Así lo confirman estadísticas federales.
martes, 27 de junio 2006
Por: Valerie Rodríguez Erazo

Recientemente, el "American Community Survey" – encuesta anual diseñada por la Oficina de Censo de los Estados Unidos - público la información recopilada de su último estudio sobre los cambios socioeconómicos de las comunidades de la nación americana. Los resultados demuestran que Puerto Rico es la jurisdicción más pobre y con menos oportunidades de desarollo en la nación.



De acuerdo a las estadísticas 44.9% de los puertorriqueños viven bajo los niveles de pobreza. El estado más pobre luego de Puerto Rico es Mississippi, en donde 21.3% de su población vive bajo niveles de pobreza. Lo alarmante es que este estudio fue hecho luego de que el huracán Katrina azotara el sur de los Estados Unidos. Así es que con todo y Katrina, los ciudadanos americanos que viven en Puerto Rico son 23.6% más pobres que nuestros hermanos del sur.



Más aún, nuestros niños son los más afectados por la pobreza. De acuerdo al estudio, el 54.7% de los menores de edad (18 años o menos) en Puerto Rico pertenecen en el reglón de pobreza. Nos sigue la capital Washington D.C con un 32.2%. Una diferencia de 20.5% entre Puerto Rico y D.C, a pesar que D.C., al igual que nosotros, no es un estado.



Las estadísticas también reflejan que el 44.1% de nuestros envejecientes (65 años o más) viven bajo los niveles de pobreza en comparación con el 17.4% de los envejecientes de Washington D.C., que es el estado que más se nos acerca.



Además, somos la jurisdicción americana con menos oportunidades de empleo para nuestros constituyentes. La tasa de la población entre 16 y 64 años que tienen empleo en Puerto Rico solamente constituye un 47.7%. Eso significa que un 52.3% de puertorriqueños que estan en su edad productiva no tienen empleos. Este resultado se refleja en el éxodo masivo de puertorriqueños hacia los Estados Unidos continentales en búsqueda de oportunidades de desarollo en los años recientes.



Más alarmante es ver las cifras de personas con incapacidades en las distintas jurisdicciones de Estados Unidos. Puerto Rico cuenta con el porciento más alto de personas con incapacidades pero sin embargo dichas personas reciben menos ayudas federales que cualquier ciudadano que vive en los estados continentales ya que son discriminados por el status colonial en el que vivimos.



Ciertamente, el ELA ha creado una economía artificial la cual no genera su propio sistema económico y depende del flujo de ayudas federales. No obstante, el ELA les niega a los ciudadanos americanos que viven en Puerto Rico la oportunidad de recibir la misma ayuda que reciben los que residen en los estados de la unión.



Una vez más queda demostrado por estadísticas nacionales que el ELA cada vez abre más la brecha de desigualdad entre Puerto Rico y los cincuenta estados.



Definitivamente, la campaña de Puerto Rico lo hace mejor se debe redefinir a: Puerto Rico lo hace peor!

El Plan Tennessee para Puerto Rico

El Plan Tennessee para Puerto Rico
viernes, 8 de septiembre 2006
Por: Jorge Ivan Rodriguez

Una magna asamblea de delegados estadistas en el hotel El Conquistador de Fajardo le dio aprobación unánime a una resolución para solicitar al Congreso Federal la admisión de Puerto Rico como estado soberano 51 de la unión americana. La resolución aprobada compromete a todo el liderato estadista a implantar el “Plan Tennessee” como estrategia adicional que no excluye otros esfuerzos para culminar el problema del estatus político de Puerto Rico. El documento instruye al liderato del Partido Estadista para que desarrolle una campaña de orientación al Pueblo sobre la Estadidad y el “Plan Tennessee”.



La sección segunda de la resolución contiene la declaración principal sobre el “Plan Tenneessee” y se expresó en los siguientes términos: “Un voto por el Partido Nuevo Progresista y/o sus candidatos en el 2008 es un mandato para que el gobierno novoprogresista que se instale en enero de 2009 implante el Plan Tennessee. Esto se hará mediante legislación que establecerá un proceso de adopción y ratificación de la constitución del Estado de Puerto Rico y la elección de los dos senadores y seis congresistas federales que acudirán al Congreso en Washington D.C. a reclamar sus escaños y la admisión de Puerto Rico como el Estado 51 de los Estados Unidos de América.”



El “Plan Tennessee” consiste fundamentalmente en la iniciativa propia que toma un territorio para reclamar que se le reconozca y admita como un estado soberano de la unión americana. El “Plan Tennesse” se ha utilizado con éxito desde 1796 por los siguientes territorios americanos: Tennesse en 1796, Michigan en 1835, Iowa en 1844, California en 1846, Oregon en 1857, Kansas en 1855 y Alaska en 1946. Originalmente se estableció como un proceso de 5 etapas. La primera etapa consiste en solicitar al Congreso Federal acción para admitir al territorio como estado y no haber tenido éxito en cuanto a la solicitud. La segunda etapa requiere la adopción de una constitución aprobada por los ciudadanos del territorio. La tercera etapa consiste en llamar a elecciones para elegir los oficiales del gobierno del nuevo estado incluyendo los senadores y representantes al Congreso Federal. La cuarta etapa requiere enviar a Washington a los senadores y representantes electos en el territorio para que les representen en el Congreso y les reciban oficialmente como delegación del nuevo estado. La quinta etapa consiste de la aprobación en el Congreso de una ley simple de admisión del nuevo estado jurídico creado por los residentes del territorio. Este paso otorgaría la soberanía federada por parte del Congreso a los ciudadanos americanos del territorio lo cual culminaría cualquier vestigio de coloniaje.



La realidad política de Puerto Rico hace de nuestro territorio uno en el cual el “Plan Tennessee” puede ser llevado a cabo. Sin embargo, es pertinente que tengamos claro que en cuanto a las etapas en las cuales el plan es ejecutado Puerto Rico ya tiene varias etapas completadas. Por ejemplo, la primera etapa en la cual se requiere que el Congreso ignore una solicitud de admisión del territorio como estado se ha cumplido. Durante el debate de la aprobación de la Ley Jones mediante la cual se otorgó la ciudadanía Americana a los puertorriqueños, el Comisionado Residente por el territorio de Puerto Rico planteó en el récord del Congreso que la ciudadanía americana sería bien recibida por los puertorriqueños de estar acompañada de la soberanía federada de la estadidad. El Congreso ignoró esta petición. Posteriormente el ex Presidente Gerard Ford presentó al Congreso un proyecto para la admisión de Puerto Rico como estado sin que el Congreso llevara a votación el mismo. La segunda etapa del “Plan Tennessee” requiriendo la adopción de una constitución aprobada por los ciudadanos del territorio se cumplió en Puerto Rico en la década del 50 cuando los ciudadanos americanos de Puerto Rico redactaron y aprobaron la constitución que actualmente tenemos. El Congreso aprobó la Constitución de Puerto Rico mediante la cual se creó la figura jurídica de un estado para el gobierno territorial mediante la Ley Federal Pública 447. Cabe señalar que durante este proceso se aprobó la Ley Federal 600 que conocemos como Ley de Relaciones Federales mediante la cual se establece la relación territorial de Puerto Rico dentro del federalismo americano. En cuanto al “Plan Tennessee” la constitución que Puerto Rico tiene hoy debe ser la misma con la cual entremos a la unión como el estado 51. Lo que habría que sustituir es la Ley de Relaciones Federales por una ley de admisión de Puerto Rico como estado soberano de la unión americana preservando la constitución que actualmente tenemos pero cambiando el nombre de la misma en español a Constitución del Estado de Puerto Rico. La tercera etapa del “Plan Tennessee” requiriendo elecciones para seleccionar los oficiales del gobierno estatal y a nivel federal se cumple en Puerto Rico en cuanto a lo estatal pero habría que elegir los dos Senadores y los representantes que enviaríamos a Washington para nuestra representación. La cuarta etapa requiere enviar la delegación de Senadores y Representantes a Washington lo cual puede ocurrir en algún momento a partir del año 2009. La etapa cinco del “Plan Tennessee” requiere la aprobación de una ley de admisión de Puerto Rico como el Estado 51. El borrador de una ley de admisión para admitir a Puerto Rico como estado de la unión puede ser aprobado por la Asamblea Legislativa de Puerto Rico en el 2009 y luego llevada al pueblo para que en votación si o no se le refiera al Congreso como nuestro consentimiento de entrada en la unión de estados soberanos. De resultar ganadora la opción del si a la admisión de Puerto Rico como estado soberano de la unión americana, los candidatos por Puerto Rico a Washington tendrían autoridad de ley para representarnos allí en cuanto el Congreso y el Presidente de Estados Unidos reciba la ley de admisión como estado aprobada por nuestro pueblo y la ratifiquen.


El “Plan Tennessee” puede funcionar para Puerto Rico siempre que no se use como medio para crear fricciones innecesarias en el Congreso y que nuestros líderes políticos trabajen para redimir nuestra patria del coloniaje en vez de dedicarse al negocio de la busconería y el oportunismo politiquero. El estado de Oregon usó con éxito el “Plan Tennessee” aún habiendo sus residentes rechazado la estadidad previamente en más de un plebiscito por divisiones político partidistas similares a las que vive Puerto Rico. Resolver nuestro estatus es tarea que requiere desprendimiento patriótico y un esfuerzo que no todos agradecerán. Sin embargo, estamos obligados a hacerlo en honor a nuestro pueblo y para terminar la desventaja y desigualdad de derechos que se vive bajo la condición colonial y territorial de Puerto Rico. El Dr. Rosselló está decidido a culminar el asunto del estatus. Le he escuchado decir que “Cuando la injusticia se convierte en ley la resistencia se hace obligatoria”, el coloniaje ha sido una injusticia que se ha implantado por ley en Puerto Rico. Vamos a terminarlo. Les invito a hacer patria luchando por la soberanía en unión federal y los poderes de la Estadidad.

Rosselló no se rinde...

(AP) — Lejos de colgar los guantes en la carrera por la candidatura a la gobernación, el presidente del Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP), Pedro Rosselló, habló el domingo como la persona que encabezará la papeleta electoral de esa colectividad en el 2008.

En su discurso ante la Asamblea General del PNP y sin mencionar nombres, el máximo líder novoprogresista habló de la traición al partido.

‘‘No es lo mismo ser traidor que ser leal y fiel a nuestra causa... No es lo mismo ser colonialista que ser estadista y no es lo mismo ser popular que ser PNP’’, afirmó Rosselló en su mensaje ante la muchedumbre que gritaba ‘‘Sí se puede, sí se puede’’.

Acto seguido, Rosselló se definió como ‘‘el alma del PNP’’.

‘‘A lo mejor en muchos asuntos podemos diferir, pero siempre sabrán dónde estoy parado, lo que estoy defendiendo y que les voy a cumplir la palabra empeñada... Yo siempre estaré con ustedes en el fin del colonialismo y el logro del estado 51’’, dijo.

Aclaró que el propósito del PNP no es ganar elecciones.

‘‘Algunos dirán que esto es sólo ganar elecciones, pero ése no es el único norte, lo más fundamental es reiterar lo que representamos, lo que esperamos. Si sólo fuera ganar, dónde queda el sacrificio de aquéllos que nos precedieron. Si sólo fuera ganar, cómo le respondemos a los que dieron su vida por el ideal’’, señaló.

‘‘Si sólo fuera ganar sería fácil en alianza con los antiestadistas para garantizar el triunfo efímero... Nuestra más alta aspiración es mantenernos constantes, leales a unos principios, a unos valores, a una causa y requiere que seamos fieles, no sólo a esa causa, sino a los que luchamos por esa causa, a los compañeros que te ayudan a lograr esa causa’’, añadió.

Sostuvo que él no tiene agendas escondidas porque los novoprogresistas siempre saben donde está parado.

‘‘Ustedes son mis compañeros en esa causa, y nunca abandonaré ni la causa, ni a ustedes... Hoy, este partido, el más grande de nuestro terruño, está en proceso de reafirmar que somos y saldremos de este peligro fortalecidos’’, sentenció.

‘‘Rosselló, Rosselló’’, le gritaban a coro los cientos de militantes novoprogresistas que participaron en la asamblea.

The party is over By Antonio M. Longo May 2, 2006

In your editorial "Puerto Rico and statehood" (Sunday) you wonder why Republican Washington is disenchanted with Puerto Rico's commonwealth status and is "strangely flirting with Puerto Rican statehood" while financial chaos is unfolding in San Juan because of a $738 million deficit in the commonwealth budget.

The answer is clear: Republicans have correctly identified commonwealth status as the root of this financial disaster. Puerto Rico can no longer depend on the largess of the federal government that existed during the Cold War. The party is over.

The people of Puerto Rico also are increasingly aware of their need to assume the full responsibilities of U.S. citizenship in order to share in all of its benefits. Statehood will give Puerto Rico the political stability needed to attract investors, provide real jobs and thus end its dependence on federal government handouts. Furthermore, history points to the fact that the economy of all of our previous territories had an accelerated improvement by converging into the national economy through statehood.

Your editors ignore that Puerto Rico is represented in Congress by one non-voting representative, the very capable Luis Fortuno who, contrary to your predictions of a solid Democratic 51st state, happens to be a conservative Republican highly regarded by our congressional GOP leadership.

Republicans are for statehood for the right reasons. Democracy requires that we end the 108-year history of colonialism in Puerto Rico and allow this disenfranchised U.S. territory the full political power of first-class U.S. citizenship.

ANTONIO M. LONGO
Alexandria

Puerto Rico's status By Delegate Luis Fortuño May 3, 2006

The editorial on the recent Bush administration policy report to Congress about the political status of Puerto Rico is fraught with misinformation ("Puerto Rico and statehood," Sunday).

First, you question support of statehood by a Republican administration. In 2000 and 2004, the GOP platforms strongly supported statehood, and called for a referendum in which the current status, statehood and separate nationhood are defined in legally valid terms accepted by Congress.

However, the Report by the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status did not simply call for a vote between those three options. Rather, the White House report recommends a very neutral ballot choice between keeping the current status and seeking a new status. Under this approach, there would never be a vote on statehood or separate sovereign nationhood unless a majority voted to seek an end to the current status, so your allegation that the White House seeks to "jettison" the current status is simply wrong.

Because the administration's report concludes that governing federal law defines Puerto Rico as a territory, the pro-commonwealth leaders of the Popular Democratic Party (PDP) have hired Republican lobbyists to advance their theory that Puerto Rico became a nation when Congress authorized adoption of a local constitution in 1950.
Thus, their proposal is not to continue the current status at all, but to advance "Enhanced Commonwealth." That status formula includes local power to decide which federal laws apply to Puerto Rico, the ability to conduct a separate foreign policy starting with international trade agreements, while keeping U.S. citizenship, permanent union and free trade with the United States, federal block grants and most other benefits of statehood, but none of its responsibilities. The White House report correctly concludes that status model is precluded legally and politically unrealistic.

Your assertion that voters approved the current status four times inaccurately includes the 1952 vote to approve the local constitution as a vote for "Commonwealth."That was not a political status vote, since it did not change Puerto Rico's status, and statehood, independence or "Commonwealth" were not on the ballot.

In three locally sponsored plebiscites, using disputed and highly controversial ballot definitions of commonwealth devised by the local political parties, the actual results were mixed. In 1967 the current status won by over 60 percent of the vote. In 1993 the current status got 48 percent, statehood 46 percent.

In 1998, over 46 percent voted for statehood, but the current status, labeled "Commonwealth," was accurately defined as territorial, and got less than 1 percent. "None of the Above" received just over 50 percent voter approval.

Clearly, the status of Puerto Rico is not resolved, so your accusation that the White Houserecommendations for status resolution surrender ground gained in the Cold War against Castro and other critics of U.S. policy is simply absurd. President Reagan knew a thing or two about the Cold War, and he actively supported statehood as the best model for an American success story in Puerto Rico.

Ronald Reagan's words were, "As a 'commonwealth' Puerto Rico is neither a state nor independent, and thereby has a historically unnatural status...To show the world that the American idea can work in Puerto Rico is to show that our idea can work everywhere."

Finally, as a Republican in Congress representing 4 million U.S. citizens in Puerto Rico, a population close to that of Kentucky and Arizona, I find amusing your assertion that as a state Puerto Rico would send only Democrats to Congress. What does not amuse me is that Americans from Puerto Rico are serving in Afghanistan and Iraq at a per capita rate that ranks well within the top 5 among the 50 states, yet their Congressman has no vote, and they do not vote for their Commander-in-Chief.

I have introduced a bill, that currently has a 105 co-sponsors, to implement the recommendations of the White House report. By the time final legislation is passed there will be a record before Congress on the status issue that will lead to conclusions very different than those reached in your editorial.

DELEGATE LUIS FORTUNO
U.S. House
Washington

Puerto Rico and statehood by The Washington Times April 30, 2006

For decades, cold warriors defended Puerto Rico's commonwealth status as a bulwark against international communism. But these days it's Republican Washington that seems uncomfortable with the commonwealth and is strangely flirting with Puerto Rican statehood. With financial chaos unfolding this week in San Juan -- the island's government might have to shut down if the legislature cannot approve a loan to cover its $738 million deficit -- both cities' energies would be better directed to the more immediate problems.

In December, the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status proposed a referendum whose mechanics would all but ensure that commonwealth status is jettisoned. How odd that the Bush administration would think that Puerto Rico's status is somehow unresolved -- this happens to be Fidel Castro's position, too -- but public comments by task-force members have suggested the belief that commonwealth is just a waystation to either statehood or independence. And the solution they've devised would almost certainly make Puerto Rico the 51st state by creating runoffs with different options in successive rounds of voting.

This week Puerto Rican Governor Anibal Acevedo-Vila decried the proposal as undemocratic, which it is. On four occasions over five decades, Puerto Ricans have endorsed the status quo. Presumably some conservatives might be unhappy paying for the island's special treatment, which is understandable but misdirected. Fiscal prudence would only be just one element to consider among many (and it rings a little hollow given the relatively small impact on the overall federal budget). Commonwealth status has been quite beneficial to Puerto Ricans, of course, but it has also benefited the mainland in ways that would be easy to overlook -- most significantly, by creating a foothold of stability in a volatile region very close to home.

In the Cold War, the tax benefits, subsidies and ease of U.S. travel went hand in hand with a shield from Fidelismo which benefited both the mainland and Puerto Rico. The shield is still relevant, at least as long as the administration prefers fewer Venezuelan-style strongmen ruining the region's economies and wants more stable democracies in its backyard.

The task force's recommendations wouldn't cut Puerto Rico off, of course -- they would create a brand-new 51st state. The politics behind that are intriguing, not least because for purely political reasons, it would seem odd for a Republican White House to push statehood. Do Republicans really want to contend with the permanent installment of two more Democrats in the Senate?

In any event, Puerto Ricans don't seem to want statehood in sufficient numbers to make it a serious option. Hopefully President Bush will let his task force's recommendations be forgotten.

Puerto Rico Needs Chance To Choose April 7, 2006 By Hon. Pedro Rosselló

As spring gradually begins to makes its presence felt across North America, the Caribbean Sea is saying goodbye to another gloriously balmy winter. In a region of year-round sunshine, however, it is ironic that one especially verdant isle has spent half a millennium under a cloud - a civic cloud: Puerto Rico has been engulfed for more than five centuries in the dark shadow of colonialism.

In 1493, Columbus claimed Puerto Rico for Spain. In 1898, Uncle Sam snatched it away. Since 1917, Puerto Ricans have been U.S. citizens. Yet never, under either of their homeland's owners, have Puerto Ricans possessed civic equality.

Residents of Puerto Rico cannot vote for president or send an enfranchised delegation of U.S. senators and representatives to defend their interests in Congress.

Due to Puerto Rico's nebulous status as a "territory," its roughly 4 million inhabitants are frequently perceived on the mainland as somehow being "foreign" - a label that is perhaps even more onerous for the nearly 4 million additional people of Puerto Rican descent who reside within the 50 states.

Every decade, the Census Bureau counts us - but it then omits us from its national population totals (Puerto Rico is consigned to what amounts to an addendum!).

As everything from opera stars to baseball stars and from surgeons general to major generals, individual Puerto Ricans have long been contributing to America's greatness. Unless they relocate to a state, though, they remain second-class citizens by constitutional edict.

So why is Puerto Rico not already a proudly sovereign nation or enjoying proud parity as a member of the U.S. family of states?

That question cannot be answered in a few hundred words. A combination of factors has been responsible for miring us in immobility, and those factors include the Puerto Rican people's own failure to reach agreement on how to resolve the problem. The ultimate decision-making authority, however, rests with Congress - and Congress is now considering legislation that could at last unscramble this Gordian knot.

If it becomes law as it should, the Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2006 will - for the first time in history - federally mandate a referendum in which the Puerto Rico electorate will be able choose between keeping the territorial status quo or having a second vote on whether to become a state or a fully independent sovereign nation. Such federal sponsorship is critically important, because previous locally initiated referendums on status have invariably been mere "beauty contests." Voters could never be sure that Washington would take the outcome seriously.

Reducing the vote to two choices will help bring the question of Puerto Rico's sovereignty to a head. Previous referendums offered voters anywhere from three to five choices, with the result that most of them yielded inconclusive results. On the one occasion (in 1967) that a status proposal captured an absolute majority, Congress took no action to implement the winning choice.

In addition, the bill now pending would break new ground by extending referendum voting rights to all otherwise eligible persons residing outside Puerto Rico, so long as they were born in the territory.

The Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2006 has more than 100 co-sponsors from both political parties. It adheres closely to a blueprint for congressional action that was released three months ago by President Bush's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status. Thus, if the House and Senate adopt the bill, there is every reason to believe that the president will sign it.

Ever since the earliest years of the Cold War, when "colonialism" abruptly became a global pejorative, Uncle Sam has endured the taunts of overseas tyrants who condemn the "bondage" in which "Yankee imperialism" is "holding" Puerto Rico. Hypocritical such denunciations may be, but that is no reason to continue ignoring them.

With respect to the Puerto Rico Democracy Act, I urge all Americans of goodwill to exhort Congress in the words of President Harry S Truman: "Do your duty, and history will do you justice."

Pedro Rossello, a pediatric surgeon, was governor of Puerto Rico from 1993 until 2001 and is a member of the Puerto Rico Senate.

Abucheo Acevedo Vila Desgobernador de Puerto Rico

Response from Senator Mel Martinez

Your response from Senator Bill Nelson

Dear Mr Arroyo:

Thank you for contacting me regarding the Puerto Rico statehood movement. I appreciate your taking the time to inform me of your views on this issue.

Puerto Rico, a U.S. possession since 1898, became a commonwealth in 1952. Since that time, Puerto Ricans have proposed several alternatives to the commonwealth’s current political status. The three major political parties in Puerto Rico, the New Progressive Party (NPP), the Popular Democratic Party (PDP), and the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP), support statehood, enhanced commonwealth, and independence options, respectively. Issues such as taxation, Federal support, citizenship, and cultural preservation have perpetuated the debate on this issue for years.

As you know, numerous referenda have been held in Puerto Rico, but for various reasons, the results have been inconclusive. Last March, the Puerto Rican legislature approved legislation to allow a referendum in which Puerto Ricans would vote for or against demanding that the President and Congress express commitment to debate and resolve the issue of Puerto Rico's political status. The legislation was vetoed by Governor Acevedo Vila, however, the legislature countered with a concurrent resolution. The resolution would allow a petition to Congress and the President for an electoral method through which Puerto Ricans could define their political relationship with the U.S. The resolution did not need the governor's signature for approval.

Additionally, commissions have been created over the years to study factors bearing on the U.S.- Puerto Rico relationship. The President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status, created during the Clinton administration, produced a report on the political status options available for Puerto Rico in December 2005. The report asserted the three constitutionally recognized options for Puerto Rico (independence, statehood, or continuation of its current status) and acted as a starter for Senate legislation (S. 2304). That bill would initiate the process for the development of, or vote on, Puerto Rico's political status.

Puerto Ricans continue to be internally divided about their status vis-à-vis the United States. As developments occur, I will be sure to keep your views in mind. Please don't hesitate to contact me in the future.

Puerto Rico - US Colony By Jonathan Beale BBC NEWS martes 28 de marzo de 2006

http://www.miperiodico.org/noticiasread.asp?r=SUVNTYTTFI

Responding to your message to Rep. Putnam

Dear Mr. Arroyo:

Thank you for your recent correspondence regarding the political status of Puerto Rico. I appreciate hearing from you.

As you may already know, United States sovereignty over Puerto Rico originated with the acquisition of the islands in 1898 after the conclusion of the Spanish-American War. For decades, the federal government administered governmental operations in Puerto Rico through military commanders or civilian officials appointed by the President. But in 1950, Congress enacted legislation (P.L. 81-600) authorizing Puerto Rico to hold a constitutional convention; and in 1952, the people of Puerto Rico ratified a constitution that established a republican form of government for the islands. After being approved by Congress and the President in July 1952 and thus given force under federal law (P.L. 82-447), the new constitution went into effect on July 25, 1952. Puerto Rico is subject to congressional jurisdiction under the Territorial Clause of the U.S. Constitution. Under this authority, Congress has passed legislation that governs Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States. Residents of Puerto Rico hold U.S. citizenship, serve in the military, are subject to federal laws, benefit from federal aid as approved by Congress, and are represented in the House of Representatives by a Resident Commissioner elected to a four-year term. Puerto Ricans, however, do not vote in national elections; their Resident Commissioner in Washington does not vote on the floor of the House; and although Puerto Ricans pay federal tax on income derived from sources in the United States, they pay no federal tax on income earned in Puerto Rico. These and other aspects of the relationship of Puerto Rico to the United States are settled matters of law, but some elements of the relationship have been and continue to be matters of debate. Some contend that the current political status of Puerto Rico, perhaps with enhancements, remains a viable option. Others argue that commonwealth status is or should be only a temporary fix to a problem to be resolved in favor of other solutions considered permanent, non-colonial, and non-territorial -- either statehood or independence as a sovereign nation. Some contend that if independence is achieved, the close relationship with the United States could be continued through compact negotiations with the federal government. One element apparently shared by all discussants is that the people of Puerto Rico seek to attain full, democratic representation, notably through voting rights on national legislation to which they are subject. A report issued in December 2005 by a presidential task force on the status of Puerto Rico asserts that there are only three constitutionally recognized options for the islands: independence, statehood, or continuation as a U.S. possession subject to the Territorial Clause of the U.S. Constitution. The document provided a catalyst for congressional consideration of the matter. Current legislation before Congress (H.R. 4963) would authorize a constitutional convention to enable delegates to develop a "self-determination proposal" for congressional consideration. Another bill (H.R. 4867) would authorize plebiscites on whether, and in which form, Puerto Rico's political status should change.

On March 2, 2006, Representative Luis Fortuño, Resident Commissioner for Puerto Rico, introduced H.R. 4867, the Puerto Rico Democracy Act. This important legislation has received the support of 97 cosponsors, of which I am one. The Puerto Rico Democracy Act would:

* Direct the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission to conduct a plebiscite in Puerto Rico during the 110th Congress, giving voters the option to vote for continued U.S. territorial status or for a path toward a constitutionally viable permanent nonterritorial status; * Provide for subsequent procedures, depending on ballot results; and * Authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to allocate certain funds for the self-determination process.
This bill has been referred to the House Committee on Resources, and while I am not a member of this Committee, I look forward to supporting this bill when it is considered on the House Floor.

On March 15, 2006, Representative John Duncan, introduced H.R. 4963, the Puerto Rico Self-Determination Act. H.R. 4963 would state that Congress reaffirms the inherent authority of the government of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico to call, and hereby expressly authorizes the calling of, a constitutional convention through the election of delegates for the purpose of establishing a mechanism for self-determination. In addition it would provide that, upon the approval by a constitutional convention in the Commonwealth of a self-determination option, the convention shall submit a self-determination proposal to Congress for approval.

The Puerto Rico Self-Determination Act would also:

* Require submission of the proposal, upon approval by Congress with or without modifications, to the people of the Commonwealth for approval or rejection in a referendum; * Require enactment of a joint resolution of Congress approving the terms of the proposal, including implementing provisions, if the people of Puerto Rico approve the proposal in the referendum; and * Provide that, if a self-determination proposal is not approved by Congress or by the people of Puerto Rico in a referendum, the Government of the Commonwealth should call for a new constitutional convention, including an election by the people of Puerto Rico of new delegates to the convention, for the purpose of formulating and submitting to Congress a new self-determination proposal.
This bill has also been referred to the House Committee on Resources, and while I am not a member of this Committee, I will be sure to keep your views in mind should this legislation come to the House Floor for a vote.

Again, thank you for taking the time to share your views, If you are experiencing difficulties with a federal agency, are interested in legislation that is pending before Congress or merely wish to express your opinions, please visit my website at www.adamputnam.house.gov.

May God continue to bless America.

Sincerely,

Adam Putnam
Member of Congress

Sin posición el Senador John Kerry sobre medidas de status.

http://www.endi.com/2006/03/23/politica/389112.asp?category=Politica&title=Sin+posicion+Kerry+sobre+medidas+de+status&artdate=2006/03/23

Supremo no da paso a caso de voto presidencial para puertorriqueños.

http://www.endi.com/2006/03/20/Ultimahora/387391.asp?category=Ultima+hora&title=Supremo+no+da+paso+a+caso+de+voto+presidencial+para+puertorriquenos&artdate=2006/03/20

Puerto Ricans dealt blow in U.S. presidential vote.

http://www.cnn.com/2006/LAW/03/20/puerto.rico.ap/index.html

102 el número de legisladores que apoyan el HR 4867 IH

http://www.endi.com/2006/03/17/Ultimahora/386346.asp?category=Ultima+hora&title=Se+suman+21+congresistas+a+proyecto+de+Fortuno&artdate=2006/03/17

Apuesta el Congresista John Larson a los dos proyectos de status.

http://www.endi.com/2006/03/15/politica/384270.asp?category=Politica&title=Apuesta+Larson+a+los+dos+proyectos&artdate=2006/03/15

Discurso del Dr. Pedro Rosselló en el Cierre de La Gran Marcha por el Fin de La Colonia.

4 deMarzo 2006

Hoy concluimos una Gran Marcha por
una Gran Causa.
Agradecimiento
A los miles que nos acompañaron
A los que tomaron peticiones
A los que nos dieron su apoyo de
múltiples maneras con agua,
alimentos o alojo
A los que nos alimentaron con sus
palabras y gestos
A ustedes que nos reciben hoy
A ustedes se debe el triunfo histórico
de esta Marcha por el Fin de la
Colonia
Las grandes y nobles causas
requieren grandes esfuerzos.
Las grandes causas no se claudican
No se obtienen fácilmente….
Las grandes causas no prometen
caminos de rosas… sino caminos de
piedras, de espinas, de obstáculos y
dificultades.
Nuestra Causa es Grande:
Luego de más de 500 años de
coloniaje – requieren un Esfuerzo
milenario.
Luego de 108 años de territorio bajo la
bandera americana – requiere el
esfuerzo más grande en nuestra
historia como pueblo americano.
Nuestra Causa es Grande
Requiere esfuerzo
Requiere compromiso
Requiere lealtad
Requiere voluntad
La Gran Causa de Gandhi por la
descolonización de India no fue fácil.
La Gran Causa de Martin Luther King
por los derechos civiles de los
ciudadanos afro-americanos no fue
fácil.
Requirieron esfuerzo, compromiso,
lealtad y voluntad.
La voluntad no se mide en la
comodidad…. La voluntad se mide en
la adversidad.
En esta Marcha de 16 días y sobre
270 millas alrededor de este Terruño
nuestro, yo vi la Voluntad de nuestro
Pueblo.
Algunos tildaron la Marcha como una
idea descabellada…al igual que hoy
continúan diciendo que la
descolonización de Puerto Rico es
una idea descabellada.
Algunos han tratado de minimizar el
impacto de esta Marcha…desde sus
cómodos escritorios de críticos a
paga… Les puedo asegurar que no
caminaron un paso, no sudaron una
gota, no sufrieron un dolor por el Fin
de la Colonia.
Pero estos portavoces del inmovilismo
se equivocaron…
No contaron con la voluntad de
nuestro pueblo.
Yo vi esa voluntad:
La vi en un niño que caminaba
agarrado del bolsillo del pantalón de su
padre, que portaba una bandera.
La vi en innumerables trechos de
madres que llevaban sus infantes en
coches.
La vi en personas de mayor edad que
nos acompañaban en andadores.
La vi en hombres con impedimentos
que nos seguían en sus sillas de
ruedas.
La vi en hombres y mujeres fuertes y
saludables, sudando, subiendo la
subida del Guano, de Maunabo a
Yabucoa.
…o la cuesta de la Corco de
Guayanilla a Peñuelas.
La vi tanto en mujeres caminando en
sus chinelas…como en los jóvenes en
sus tenis deportivos.
Yo vi la Voluntad de este Pueblo
La vi desde la cumbre y desde el llano.
La vi a través del sol candente de
Fajardo y Luquillo… y de la bendita
lluvia de Naguabo.
Yo vi la Voluntad de este Pueblo
La vi en la persecución de unos que
nos acompañaron, paso a paso, sin
fallar en cada una de las 275 millas de
esta gesta…
La vi en Junior Pérez
La vi en Leo Díaz
La vi en Jorge Santini
_____
La vi en todo momento en mi
compañera de vida Maga.
_____
Y la vi en los sobre un millón y medio
de hermanos y hermanas
puertorriqueños con quien tuvimos
contacto a lo largo de la ruta.
Yo caminé por todo Puerto Rico
Yo Marché por el Fin de la Colonia
Y yo vi la voluntad de este Pueblo.
_____
Algunos en el Camino, me
preguntarán ¿Cuánto falta?
Cuánto falta, no para terminar el
tramo, o concluir la Marcha.
Sino cuánto falta para ver el Fin de la
Colonia
Y yo les contesto – No falta mucho
No falta mucho porque hemos visto el
esfuerzo, el compromiso de nuestra
gente
No falta mucho porque hemos visto
sobre todo la Voluntad por terminar
con nuestro periodo colonial.
Por eso les digo…
¡Ahora es!
Cuándo es?
¡Ahora es!

Joint Statement By Sen. Pete Domenici and Sen. Jeff Bingaman

http://energy.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=PressReleases.Detail&PressRelease_id=234838&Month=2&Year=2006

The Puerto Rico Status Debate: Why Congress? Why Now?

http://www.lulac.org/advocacy/issues/puertorico/prdebate.html

Puerto Rico Could Soon Get Real Vote on Status By Carol J. Williams, Times Staff Writer

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-status17feb17,0,653442.story?coll=la-headlines-nation

Carta al Congreso de los Estados Unidos Por Jose M. Arroyo

February 22, 2006


Jose M. Arroyo
107 Shaddock Drive
Auburndale, FL 33823

Dear Congressman:

First of all, I would like to extend my most sincere gratitude and respect to you, for protecting our freedom as well as our constitution of the United States of America.

As a young 100% total and permanent disabled veteran from the U.S. Army I am troubled by an issue that has been under consideration for many years now. An issue that touches family, friends and fellow citizens of mine. That is the political status of Puerto Rico.

As you know, there are nearly 4,000,000 United States citizens living in the islands of Puerto Rico, who have been under United States sovereignty and within the United States customs territory for over 100 years making Puerto Rico the oldest, largest, and most populous United States island territory at the southeastern-most boundary of our nation, located astride the strategic shipping lanes of the Atlantic Ocean and Caribbean Sea.

Under the territorial clause of the constitution, Congress has the authority and responsibility to determine federal policy and clarify status issues in order to resolve the issue of Puerto Rico’s final status.

During numerous times the government of Puerto Rico has conducted plebiscites initiated under local law of Puerto Rico’s political status. In those votes none of the three status propositions received a majority of the votes cast. It is my strong believe that what the people of Puerto Rico needs is not a local plebiscite sponsored by the local government, but one enacted by the United States Congress.

The report by the President’s task force on Puerto Rico’s status dated December 2005 clearly recognizes that the authority under the U.S Constitution to establish a permanent non-territorial status for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico rests with Congress. That same report also has some recommendations which are the following:

1. The Task Force recommends that Congress within a year provide for a Federally sanctioned plebiscite in which the people of Puerto Rico will be asked to state whether they wish to remain a U.S. territory subject to the will of Congress or to pursue a Constitutionally viable path toward a permanent non-territorial status with the United States. Congress should provide for this plebiscite to occur on a date certain.

2. The Task Force recommends that if the people of Puerto Rico elect to pursue a permanent non-territorial status, Congress should provide for an additional plebiscite allowing the people of Puerto Rico to choose between one of the two permanent non-territorial options. Once the people have selected one of the two options, Congress is encouraged to begin a process of transition toward that option.

3. If the people elect to remain as a territory, the Task Force recommends, consistent with the 1992 memorandum of President Bush, that a plebiscite occur periodically, as long as that status continues, to keep Congress informed of the people’s wishes.

For some unknown reason, the issue of the political status of Puerto Rico goes untouched year after year by Congress. I hear statements, received letters on that issue and hear the positions of some members of the federal government, but no actions are ever taken. The Report by the President’s task force on Puerto Rico’s status is a great tool for Congress to start a sincere process that will ultimately provide the people of Puerto Rico their right to self determination. The former Governor of Puerto Rico and former Commissioner Resident Carlos Romero Barceló said once that, “to ignore the situation of Puerto Rico is to betray the spirit of our democracy, values and traditions.”

The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico has a rich tradition and history. As United States citizens, the people of Puerto Rico have enhanced American society and culture. Among their many contributions, Puerto Ricans have been recognized for their service and sacrifice in the United States Armed Forces. Don’t you think is time to honor them with the right of self determination?

I invite you to take a close look at the Report by the President’s task force on Puerto Rico’s status and to sponsor legislation regarding this so important and historic issue.

I hope to hear from you and your position towards the Puerto Rico’s political status.

May God continue to bless America.

Sincerely,


Jose M. Arroyo

Report by the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status

http://www.house.gov/fortuno/pdf/PuertoRicoBooklet.pdf

Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2006 HR 4867 IH

Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2006 (Introduced in House)

HR 4867 IH

109th CONGRESS

2d Session

H. R. 4867

To provide for a federally sanctioned self-determination process for the people of Puerto Rico.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

March 2, 2006

Mr. FORTUN.AE6O (for himself, Mr. SERRANO, Ms. PRYCE of Ohio, Mr. CANTOR, Mr. YOUNG of Alaska, Mr. BURTON of Indiana, Mr. RAHALL, Mr. HOYER, Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida, Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN, Mr. MARIO DIAZ-BALART of Florida, Mr. KENNEDY of Rhode Island, Mr. HYDE, Mr. PUTNAM, Mr. FLAKE, Mr. PENCE, Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia, Mr. KILDEE, Mr. WELLER, Mr. MCKEON, Mr. FEENEY, Mr. BROWN of South Carolina, Mr. BONILLA, Mr. ABERCROMBIE, Mr. FOLEY, Mr. CALVERT, Mr. CANNON, Mr. GILCHREST, Mr. PEARCE, Mr. NUNES, Ms. LORETTA SANCHEZ of California, Mr. PETERSON of Pennsylvania, Mr. RENZI, Mrs. DRAKE, Mr. DOOLITTLE, Ms. BORDALLO, Mr. DENT, Ms. HARRIS, Mr. WESTMORELAND, Mr. POE, Mr. PETERSON of Minnesota, Mr. CONAWAY, Mr. MARCHANT, Mr. WILSON of South Carolina, Mr. MICA, Mr. CROWLEY, Mr. BOUSTANY, Mrs. BLACKBURN, Mr. SCHWARZ of Michigan, Ms. HART, Mr. FATTAH, Mr. MACK, Mr. WELDON of Florida, Mr. MCCAUL of Texas, Mr. FITZPATRICK of Pennsylvania, Mr. CRAMER, Mr. FOSSELLA, Mr. HENSARLING, Mr. WAMP, Mr. COBLE, Mr. MOLLOHAN, Mr. HOSTETTLER, Mr. MCCOTTER, Mr. KELLER, Mr. KUHL of New York, Mr. GOHMERT, Mr. MORAN of Virginia, Mr. WYNN, Mr. KIND, Mr. CONYERS, Mr. NADLER, Mr. WALDEN of Oregon, Mrs. TAUSCHER, and Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Resources

A BILL

To provide for a federally sanctioned self-determination process for the people of Puerto Rico.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.

(a) Short Title- This Act may be cited as the `Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2006'.

(b) Table of Contents- The table of contents for this Act is as follows:

Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.

Sec. 2. Findings.

Sec. 3. Federally sanctioned process for Puerto Rico's self-determination, including initial

plebiscite and subsequent procedures.

Sec. 4. Applicable laws and other requirements.

Sec. 5. Availability of funds for the self-determination process.

SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

The Congress finds the following:
(1) On November 30, 1992, President George H.W. Bush issued a Memorandum to Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies recognizing that `As long as Puerto Rico is a territory . . . the will of its people regarding their political status should be ascertained periodically by means of a general right of referendum . . .'.

(2) Consistent with this policy, on December 23, 2000, President William J. Clinton issued Executive Order 13183, establishing the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status for purposes that included identifying the options for the territory's future political status `. . . that are not incompatible with the Constitution and basic laws and policies of the United States . . .', as well as the process for realizing such options.

(3) President George W. Bush adopted Executive Order 13183 and, on December 3, 2003, amended it to require that the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status issue a report `. . . no less frequently than once every 2 years, on progress made in the determination of Puerto Rico's ultimate status.'.

(4) On December 22, 2005, the Task Force appointed by President George W. Bush issued a report recommending that:

(A) The Congress provide within a year for a federally sanctioned plebiscite in which the people of Puerto Rico would be asked to vote on whether they wish to remain a United States territory or pursue a constitutionally viable path toward a permanent nonterritorial status.

(B) If the people of Puerto Rico elect to pursue a permanent nonterritorial status, Congress should provide for a subsequent plebiscite allowing the people of Puerto Rico to choose between one of the two permanent nonterritorial status options. Once a majority of the people has selected one of the two options, Congress is encouraged to begin a process of transition toward that option.

(C) If the people of Puerto Rico elect to remain as a United States territory, further plebiscites should occur periodically, as long as a territorial status continues, to keep Congress informed of the people's wishes.

SEC. 3. FEDERALLY SANCTIONED PROCESS FOR PUERTO RICO'S SELF-DETERMINATION, INCLUDING INITIAL PLEBISCITE AND SUBSEQUENT PROCEDURES.

(a) First Plebiscite Under This Act- The Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall conduct a plebiscite in Puerto Rico during the 110th Congress, but not later than December 31, 2007. The ballot shall provide for voters to choose only between the following two options:

(1) Puerto Rico should continue the existing form of territorial status as defined by the Constitution, basic laws, and policies of the United States. If you agree, mark hereXXXX.

(2) Puerto Rico should pursue a path toward a constitutionally viable permanent nonterritorial status. If you agree, mark here XXXXXX.

The two options set forth on the ballot shall be preceded by the following statement:

Instructions: Mark the option you choose as each is defined below. Ballots with more than one option marked will not be counted.

(b) Procedure If Majority in First Plebiscite Favors Continued Territorial Status- If a majority vote in a plebiscite held under subsection (a) favors the continuation of the existing territorial status, the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall conduct additional plebiscites under subsection (a) at intervals of every 8 years from the date that the results of the prior plebiscite are certified unless a majority of votes in the prior plebiscite favors pursuing a permanent nonterritorial status.

(c) Procedure If Majority in First Plebiscite Favors Permanent Nonterritorial Status- If a majority vote in any plebiscite held under subsection (a) favors permanent nonterritorial status, the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall conduct a plebiscite under this subsection. The ballot on the plebiscite under this subsection shall provide for a vote to choose only between the following two options:

(1) Statehood: Puerto Rico should be admitted as a State of the Union, on equal footing with the other States. If you agree, mark hereXXXX.

(2) Sovereign nation: Puerto Rico should become a sovereign nation, either fully independent from or in free association with the United States under an international agreement that preserves the right of each nation to terminate the association. If you agree, mark hereXXX.
The two options set forth on the ballot shall be preceded by the following statement: Instructions: Mark the option you choose as each is defined below. Ballots with more than one option marked will not be counted.

(d) Period for Holding Plebiscite- If a majority vote in the first plebiscite under subsection (a) favors permanent nonterritorial status, the plebiscite under subsection (c) shall be held during the 111th Congress, but no later than December 31, 2009. If a majority vote in a plebiscite referred to in subsection (b) favors permanent nonterritorial status, the plebiscite under subsection (c) shall be held not later than 2 years after the certification of the majority vote in such plebiscite under subsection (b).

SEC. 4. APPLICABLE LAWS AND OTHER REQUIREMENTS.

(a) Applicable Laws- All Federal laws applicable to the election of the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico shall, as appropriate and consistent with this Act, also apply to any plebiscite held pursuant to this Act. Any reference in such Federal laws to elections shall be considered, as appropriate, to be a reference to the plebiscites, unless it would frustrate the purposes of this Act.

(b) Federal Court Jurisdiction- The Federal courts of the United States shall have exclusive jurisdiction over any legal claims or controversies arising from the implementation of this Act.

(c) Rules and Regulations- The Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall issue all rules and regulations necessary to carry out the plebiscites under this Act.

(d) Eligibility- Each of the following shall be eligible to vote in any plebiscite held under this Act:

(1) All eligible voters under the electoral laws in effect in Puerto Rico at the time the plebiscite is held.

(2) All United States citizens born in Puerto Rico who comply, to the satisfaction of the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission, with all Puerto Rico State Elections Commission requirements (other than the residency requirement) applicable to eligibility to vote in a general election.
Persons eligible to vote under this subsection shall, upon request submitted to the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission prior to the plebiscite concerned, be entitled to receive an absentee ballot for such plebiscite.

(e) Certification of Plebiscite Results- The Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall certify the results of each plebiscite held under this Act to the President of the United States and the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.

(f) Report After Second Plebiscite- No later than 6 months after the plebiscite provided for in section 3(c), the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status shall submit a report to the Congress, prepared in consultation with the Governor, the Resident Commissioner, the President of the Senate of Puerto Rico, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Puerto Rico, detailing measures that may be taken to implement the permanent nonterritorial status option chosen in the plebiscite together with such recommendations as the Task Force may deem appropriate.

SEC. 5. AVAILABILITY OF FUNDS FOR THE SELF-DETERMINATION PROCESS.

During the period beginning October 1, 2006, and ending on the date the President determines that all the plebiscites required by this Act have been held, the Secretary of the Treasury may allocate, from the funds provided to the Government of Puerto Rico under section 7652(e) of the Internal Revenue Code, not more than $5,000,000 to the State Elections Commission of Puerto Rico to be used for expenses of carrying out each plebiscite carried out under this Act, including for voter education materials certified by the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status as not being incompatible with the Constitution and basic laws and policies of the United States. Such amounts may be as identified by the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status as necessary for such purposes.